Impregnability of rural communities stems from colonialism: research

Grace Moyo

The electoral impregnability of Zimbabwe’s rural areas is a legacy of colonialism, a Zimbabwe Democracy Institute research  has revealed.

The research titled ‘Electoral impregnability of the rural constituency in Zimbabwe’ was hinged on the main objective of exposing the nature and extent of capture of the rural vote by the security sector and/or military in Zimbabwe ahead of the 2023 elections and proffer guidelines to pro-democracy and human rights groups, communities and political parties with counter-measures. 

According to the thinktank, 76% of the research participants viewed the rural constituencies as not freely accessible to the opposition and civil society who wish to carry out their election related activities.

 “The general implication is that impregnability of the rural constituency exists,” says the report.

The report that was launched on the 10th of March 2023 says the impregnability of the rural constituency is traceable to two main historical factors which are the colonial settler government’s native settlement and governance policy as well as the the “spatial metamorphosis of nationalist liberation war and the military and/or authoritarian nature of attendant politics.”

ZDI argue that the settler regime set the conditions that have been perpetuated by the ruling class to this day. 

“A review of the history of the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA), a military wing of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) party and the Zimbabwe National Liberation Army (ZANLA), a military wing of Zimbabwe- African National Union (ZANU) party shows that they mainly relied on the rural constituency for mobilisation, recruitment, shelter, political support, intelligence gathering and food-handouts.”

Speaking to Community Podium, Sthokozile Sibanda of Tsholotsho corroborates ZDI’s assertions.

“The opposition has no chance here. Our government is doing so well. We have received livestock, seeds, land and other necessities from the Zanu PF-led government. What more can we ask for? What can those who say they can lead better offer? Why can’t they at least match Zanu PF.?” she quizzed.

“Two key outcomes of the historical dynamics that ingrained the current impregnability of the rural constituency are: (i) creation of animosity between traditional leaders and their people in the village on one hand and the colonial government in the capital on the other; (ii) ZANU PF has played a hero role by: (a) associating with the land redistribution programme in this situation; (b) portraying the land reform program as a violent eviction of former colonisers from ancestral land of the black majorities; and (c) portraying the opposition, civil society and independent media as forces recruited and funded to reverse the land reform policy,” said ZDI.

According to ZDI, propaganda and misinformation have for long been relied upon by ZANU PF to frame its opponents as ‘sell-outs’ or agents of regime change courtesy of its monopoly over state- controlled media narratives and limited access to alternative narratives in the rural constituency.

The portrayal of the opposition as Western puppets has had an effect on the rural population which is averse to neo-colonialism. Ndaba Masuku, a Lupane-based veteran of the liberation struggle said all efforts must be made to keep Zimbabwe liberated which means their “proxies” must never be voted for.

“Voting local puppets of the West is a reversal of our independence. I appeal to our people to keep them away from leadership,” said 74 year old Masuku.

“However, growing internet penetration, the advent of alternative media and social media networks have increased the vulnerability of the village to alternative narratives. Nonetheless, this cannot be achieved if democratic forces do not engage in the business of intensifying these vulnerabilities and investing enough time and resources in the manufacture and dispersal of alternative political narratives at village level,” said ZDI.

The report decried the partisan traditional leaders who advance the interests of one political party in their jurisdictions, in violation of the Constitution which requires them to be apolitical.

“Due to historical ties traceable to the war of liberation, traditional leadership comprising chiefs, headmen and village heads in order of hierarchy, has been captured by the ZANU PF military elite to campaign for ZANU PF and to facilitate the closure of their communities from opposition penetration.

82% of research participants noted that traditional leaders hinder access to the rural constituency by the opposition, media and the civil society ahead of the 2023 election. This entails that traditional leaders generally facilitate the impregnability of the rural constituency.

Access to land, residence and government social support is also run via the traditional leaders. This has been effectively used to punish rural voters for supporting the opposition and deter future opposition support.

Instances of commandeered-voting, targeted intimidation of opposition supporters, economic sanctions against perceived opponents of ZANU PF through exclusion from food-handouts have ensued courtesy of this capture of traditional leaders.”

ZDI identifies three key factors that make up the political infrastructural setup that perpetuates the impregnability of the rural constituency to “democratic forces” which are,  a pervasive infrastructure for coercion of rivals, a pervasive infrastructure for perpetuating rural dependency on the ruling party and  the “poor investment in institutional sophistication by the opposition in particular and in general the democratic forces in the rural constituency.” It claims that, these three have  buttressed  ZANU  PF’s  grip  in  the  rural  constituency  and  the  military/ZANU  PF conflation has dominated these three.

“The  majority  of  research  participants  (72%)  noted  that  the  military/security  sector  plays  a hindrance role in the accessibility of rural constituencies by the opposition, non-state media and civic society who want to conduct their election-related work. Published data supports these findings by showing that the military/security sector, working in cahoots with ZANU PF, has been involved in intimidation and violence against the opposition in a number of rural areas.”